What s Wrong With Make America Great Again
Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his entreatment to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the get-go Blackness president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged inside these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'southward political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly divers equally a bittersweet longing for the past. Show of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential campaign through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Peachy Over again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that accept been lost (Brownstein, 2016).
Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a wide calibration, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-fly populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside cornball messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the The states, several studies provide strong testify of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey inquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more so fifty-fifty than voter's feelings of economical threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of law reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). All the same, no enquiry has of yet established whether Trump'south nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this cease, in this paper, we nowadays evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice as well as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.
The Sociality of Nostalgia
Nostalgia is a by and large positive emotion that increases cocky-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of cocky-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Nearly people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and oftentimes structure their present in apprehension of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in diverse ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).
The social connexion function of nostalgia is a chief avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Equally a event of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative effects of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).
Importantly, those who are more probable to experience nostalgia (i.e., those high in personal nostalgia) are besides more motivated to command prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices confronting outgroups every bit a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They plant that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages across the self.
National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia
The link betwixt nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when because nostalgia felt for one'south group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a singled-out psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, equally distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals self-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of cocky (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might feel potent pride and happiness for their home squad while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).
Grouping-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or commonage nostalgia—can be experienced in a diverseness of social settings, including organizations, school classes (due east.thousand., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (city). However, different private-level nostalgia, grouping-based nostalgia tin can occur in the grade of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed down through collective retentiveness (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes as well every bit an approach-oriented activeness tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced cornball memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study ane). Commonage nostalgia as well can increment group-oriented prosociality (e.thou., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective cornball event increased collective self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).
However, there are two sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is also a bias confronting foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven past anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.due east., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic retentiveness (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup fellow member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study iii). Yet, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals tin can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate grouping (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of old Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to division and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more cornball for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (simply non control ethnic groups).
National nostalgia is ane blazon of commonage nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing every bit a citizen of a specific country, and is probable to exist associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just every bit personal nostalgia during times of modify and upheaval tin can facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's good sometime days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. However, nostalgic carousal at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) equally well as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were non predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may prevarication in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat
The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to 1's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-existence, and typically include the domains of physical prophylactic, political power, and economical security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come near from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus often junior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, there oftentimes is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economical, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).
One salient factor in perceived threat for members of bulk groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat existence evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or fifty-fifty through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was becoming more diverse (relative to control atmospheric condition)—that the percent of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and iii) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, besides has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, meet Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with cocky-categorizing at the grouping level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about one's grouping-based identity, and may have the benign issue of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of grouping continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For case, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cantankerous-national survey beyond 27 countries found that existential concerns about the futurity of one's land predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Notwithstanding, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (east.yard., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the future, leading to increased prejudice.
With the exception of a subsample of United states participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have straight examined this theorized relationship in the context of political behavior. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains whatsoever found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging
Contempo piece of work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economical or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often apply national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity betwixt a nation's past and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst about group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe establish consistent themes of nostalgia for their country'south "glorious past" while denigrating the country's present, as well equally themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the political party were the crusade of this discontinuity between past and present, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its former celebrity (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).
Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a stiff focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric1. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Peachy Again," and emphasized claims that the United States had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in function, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a by, whiter version of the The states. Exit polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, as White voters were the just racial demographic to back up Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so past a large margin of 20 percent points (CNN, 2016)2. Furthermore, several bookish studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important part in voters' choice to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that support for Trump was virtually strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White Us citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).
To build upon this enquiry, the aim of our study was to direct examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explicate support for Trump's populist rhetoric likewise equally increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. Nosotros idea it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Blackness Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the U.s., of which White Americans are condign less of a bulk (US Census Bureau, 2020).
The Electric current Study
We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility in a higher place and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 U.s. presidential election. We besides examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.
Although previous research examined survey information taken around the time of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 twelvemonth later the ballot, allowing usa to see how our participants felt after President Trump had been in function for some fourth dimension, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Great Once again" nonetheless resonated with voters. Minimal piece of work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the U.s.; thus, this research would explore the potential link betwixt national nostalgia and political attitudes equally well as written report the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical landscape. In addition, we included a validated measure out of personal nostalgia in order to better examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well as to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.
Hypotheses
We tested one specific hypothesis and iii exploratory inquiry questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).
Hypothesis i. National nostalgia would exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).
Inquiry Question i. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?
Research Question ii. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?
Research Question iii. Will the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
Method
Participants
An a priori power assay using One thousand*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to find a small correlation of r = 0.093 with 95% ability and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female person, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from xviii to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.4% Contained, 23.4% Republican, and 7.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Autumn of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.
Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Research Heart, 2018); nevertheless, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving advisable statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 Usa voters.
Measures
Personal Nostalgia
The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The calibration included seven items (e.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for yous?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to vii (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).
National Nostalgia
The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study one) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of 1's national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)4 to reflect American nationality [e.thou., "How often exercise you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].
Positive Attitudes Toward Trump
In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to appraise positive sentiment toward the President equally related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the Land Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connexion, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive touch on. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump'southward presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (eastward.1000., "Thinking most the ballot of Donald Trump makes me experience protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a i (Not at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.
Outgroup Threat Perception
The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.thou., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The calibration was examined only amongst White participants. The mensurate includes 12 items (e.g., "African Americans hold also many positions of power and responsibleness in this country") rated on a one (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) calibration.
Racial Prejudice
The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure out consisted of 8 items (east.g., "Information technology's really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only effort harder they could be just also off as Whites.") rated on a i (Strongly disagree) to four (Strongly hold) scale.
Political Measures
Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Bourgeois). Participants too chose which party they about strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants and so indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They and so responded to the question "How much do you lot feel like we need to 'Make America Not bad Again'?" on a i (Not at all) to 7 (Extremely) calibration. Finally, participants reported their state of origin and whether English language was their native linguistic communication.
Indigenous Identity Salience
The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my indigenous grouping," and each particular was rated on a calibration of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly concur) scale.
Demographics
Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.
Process
Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the by, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all report measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a single, 1 week period in the Autumn of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than 2 attention bank check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant'due south data.
Results
Descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations are displayed in Table 1. To examination our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Procedure macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, nosotros also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS 5. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the power assay).
Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.
Main Hypothesis
We offset assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step ii of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In footstep 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = ten.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.thirty, t(192) = iv.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was non associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −one.thirteen, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a pregnant proportion of variance in attitudes in a higher place and beyond political orientation, F (2, 189) = nine.90, p < 0.001, R2Δ = 0.06.
To examine this human relationship in a consolidated path model5, Effigy 1 displays Path Model one, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(ane) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Every bit shown in Model ane, Hypothesis 1 was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).
Figure ane. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model ane). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Research Question 1
To appraise whether at that place was an clan betwixt race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × iii (Political Party Amalgamation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, ane = Black/African-American (shortened to West/EA and B/AA going forrad). Political party affiliation was coded as ane = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and three = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with one of these iii major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 Westward/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 West/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 Westward/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political political party affiliation was the but significant predictor of property positive attitudes toward President Trump, F (ii, 228) = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η2 = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = ane.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = 2.06, SD = one.26) or Independent (Thousand = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no main effect of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F (one, 228) = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction between political party affiliation and participant race, F (2, 228) = 0.05, p = 0.96. Effigy 2 displays these results.
Figure ii. Relationship between political political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Fault bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.
To explore these results further, nosotros examined whether indigenous identity salience, rather than race itself, may exist an of import qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether political political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro v. iii.iv (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation assay with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-order interaction effect between political amalgamation and race to predict indigenous identity salience, F (ii, 228) = 3.23, p = 0.041, RtwoΔ = 0.024. An analysis of the unproblematic gradient effects indicated that at that place was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (One thousand = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Autonomous [Yard = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Contained counterparts [1000 = ii.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.nineteen)]; uncomplicated slope difference F (two, 228) = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was plant among Black/African-American participants; elementary slope divergence F (ii, 228) = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an assay of the unproblematic main effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally equally important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.threescore, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, one.36)] reported significantly college indigenous identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).
Figure 3. Racial identity salience amidst Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of unlike political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Contained). Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.
Nosotros also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' Process macro (model ane) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but but amid White participants; ΔR two = 0.03, F (1, 77) = iii.94, p = 0.051. Among those depression in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.eighteen, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.
As a final test of Research Question 1, a second path model (Path Model 2, Effigy 4) was compared with Path Model 1 to again examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its human relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, information technology is important to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(ten) = twoscore.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09half dozen; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the Procedure model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term betwixt national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.
Figure 4. Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Enquiry Question 2
We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Blackness racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) likewise as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, run across Table ane). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A pregnant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting college prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR 2 = 0.05, F (ane, 178) = xix.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Effigy 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-pregnant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −ane SD beneath the hateful of SNS). Even so, for those moderate to loftier in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +ii SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure 5). Interestingly, this effect was found separately for both White [ΔR 2 = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ii = 0.09, F (1, 97) = 17.44, p < 0.001], but at that place was no significant three-way interaction betwixt national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.fourteen), then the results in Figure v are displayed for all participants.
Figure v. Human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated past anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display simple slopes at −2, −ane, 0, +ane, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.
Enquiry Question 3
Will the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
We last examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A chastened arbitration model was synthetic using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational consequence might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Every bit shown in Effigy 6, the model indicated a significant indirect consequence of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did non differ past participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).
Figure 6. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, chastened past participant race.
To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Effigy 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model iii showed a moderate fit with the information, χ(2) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When bookkeeping for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.eighteen, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, merely in a negative direction [indirect consequence β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.
Effigy 7. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated past racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect outcome of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was meaning [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].
Word
In our written report, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings virtually President Trump, as well as increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was unrelated to back up for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was really associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples exterior the United States (eastward.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a potent semantic connexion between Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it besides may indicate to the appeal of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our side by side analyses investigated more closely the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and identity.
Our get-go research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We establish fractional evidence for this idea, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. Nonetheless, in that location was no testify of a relationship between race and support for the President. At first glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'south messaging appealed generally to White voters. Even so, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more than positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Blackness participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences farther support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Equally members of the majority grouping, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).
This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical gene in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). However, there is an upshot of causality, as these correlational information could point that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more cardinal function of their self-concept. For example, Schildkraut (2015) plant that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more than probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may besides offering an caption on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist and then attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity aperture in order to foment anxiety near the country of the country while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet past identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.
The role of intergroup attitudes was credible when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational result was found among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may accept been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more than prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with prove that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings marshal with converging show that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging past evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may heighten belongingness past evoking positive thoughts most the "good old days" when i's group was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, by allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, coordinating to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of cocky-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries constitute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging simply not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little enquiry on collective nostalgia, especially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, futurity work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which tin can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.
Constraint on Generalizability
These data were obtained from a cross-sectional group of United states of america Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are most generalizable to American middle-anile populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are almost generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United States, and futurity assay of national nostalgia should proceed to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.
Future Directions
These findings enhance the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go back in fourth dimension, due to perceived grouping identity threats. Future research should utilise longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defence against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is just recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further piece of work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow us to amend sympathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should also keep to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The demand for farther inquiry in this surface area has grown substantially in contempo years, particularly in light of events such as those that took identify in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the The states Capitol Building in early 2021, in which big groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned trigger-happy.
An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is non constrained merely to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the utilise of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a diverseness of settings and when because a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings advise that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions most one'due south national grouping identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas about one'southward group within a specific nation. The phrase "brand America great again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is specially controversial in the US because minority groups take accomplished significant advances in civil rights in contempo history, and a call to render to a sometime time may imply a phone call for a return to a quondam and less egalitarian social bureaucracy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amongst various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent inside nations with different histories.
Future research might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stalk from realistic (e.g., economical) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior inquiry has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more than psychologically influential on voter support for correct-wing populist credo, every bit concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage feet, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the Usa (as well as many other countries), further piece of work in this area should include individuals who place with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should as well exist expanded to look at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, organized religion, immigrant condition, social class, education level, and nation of origin.
Coda
National nostalgia, a class of collective nostalgic feel, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such every bit political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (generally in European and Asian nations), this is the first written report, to our knowledge, to examine the U.s.a. political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one'due south personal past—does not have the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and but moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, specially in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.
There may exist some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a by that never was; in this case, an America that was non as white as some recollect. Even so, these national nostalgic feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.
Information Availability Statement
The datasets presented in this written report can be found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.
Ethics Statement
The studies involving homo participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Republic University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.
Author Contributions
AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw information collection and assay. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential disharmonize of interest.
Footnotes
one. ^Nosotros annotation that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (eastward.k., the role of the Black Lives Matter movement); notwithstanding, equally our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 ballot in this newspaper.
2. ^Though a majority of all not-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton'due south favor past a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, nosotros chose to employ Black voters equally a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.
3. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported past Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, report two).
4. ^The authors would like to note that this calibration was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published only prior to the time this report was developed. Yet, the decision was made prior to data drove to use this validated scale equally a more direct and statistically sound fashion to measure the construct of national nostalgia.
5. ^Although structural equation models are often used to model paths amongst blended variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to employ a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large plenty to justify inclusion of all private items in the model.
6. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is oft considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).
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